Empirical Claims of Neoreaction

Let’s set out some empirical claims. They’re not as empirical as claims in the physical sciences, but they will have to do.

There’s not enough space to define every term exhaustively here. Some people will understand what I mean, others will need to do independent background research for clarification. If the use of a term seems out of place or objectionable to you, try to model what you think I mean, rather than what you think the word should mean.

1.  The United States (and indeed, the entire West) has been moving further and further to the Left consistently since the French Revolution at least. We are leftist radicals by the standards of our forefathers. Our forefathers were radicals by the standards of their forefathers. Hard mode: America is a communist country. 

2. Britain has been on the Left for considerably longer than most of Continental Europe. This has led the Anglosphere to the idea that a parliamentarian system, rather than a monarchical one, is normal. In contrast, areas like Russia, the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Germany had monarchies until 1918, and so see authoritarian systems as considerably more normal. This is part of why leaders like Putin are so very popular in Russia. This also gives Americans an unusual bias against more authoritarian systems; rebellion for its own sake, rather than in service of any higher goal.

3.  Demotist systems, that is, systems ruled by the “People,” such as Democracy and Communism, are predictably less financially stable than aristocratic systems. On average, they undergo more recessions and hold more debt. They are more susceptible to market crashes. They waste more resources. Each dollar goes further towards improving standard of living for the average person in an aristocratic system than in a Democratic one.

4. The vast majority of the media, the universities, and the civil service agree on basic principles, like: democracy with universal suffrage is the best form of government, “politics” is ugly but democracy somehow isn’t, all men are equal, citizens are qualified to give input into government policy, big government is “the way of the world” and should be accepted, our country has the right and responsibility to be global policeman, etc. These principles, many of which would have been laughed at by educated men for thousands of years before the French Revolution (and many of them for a over a hundred years after it), are now seen as “obvious”. This is just due to memetic conquest, rather than the independent merit of the ideas.

5.  A core objective of Progressivism is to introduce “rights” and make them more and more encompassing. Introducing new initiatives as connected to “rights” rather than proposals with pros and cons shuts down cost-benefit analysis, framing certain feelings of entitlement as a moral issue and not up for discussion or debate. For instance, voting is a “right,” full stop. Even if it could be proven that society flourishes more without voting, the act of voting would need to be preserved because it is a “right”. “Civil rights” always trump “rights” of free association. The expansion of rights is connected to “rachet theory,” which argues that judicially recognized rights are always expanded, but rarely curtailed, creating a one-way dynamic.

6. The great bulk of what the government does, and the decisions it makes, are made by permanent and semi-permanent civil servants, not elected officials. If most decisions were made by elected officials, there would be chaos, since they would lack the experience to make good choices. Civil servants do nearly all the optimizing by narrowing down the infinity of possible options for any decision into 2-3 concise proposals, which are rigged in advance to accord with a narrow window of their preferences. These proposals may be presented to elected officials for decisions, but their actual decisions do not matter much, because most of the optimization pressure has already been exerted in advance.

7. Government and social policy is manufactured in universities, first and foremost at Harvard, followed by Princeton, then Yale (HYP), then the other Ivies, Berkeley, and Stanford. As far as politics is concerned, institutions outside of these are pretty much insignificant. Memetic propagation is one-way — it is formulated in the schools and pumped outwards. The universities are not significantly influenced by the outside. The civil servants who make government decisions are either borrowed from universities or almost totally influenced by them. The official mouthpiece of this ideological group is The New York Times, which is the most influential publication in the world outside of the Bible.

There is much more, but I’ll leave it here for now.